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纸牌屋(House of Cards 英文版)

时间:2014-06-01 10:35:38  来源:  作者:迈克尔·多布斯爵士(Michael Dobbs)  
简介:  在首相连任竞选中功不可没的党鞭长弗朗西斯·厄克特本以为自己会入内阁任职,不料未能如愿。于是他暗中发誓要取代背叛自己的首相,搞垮所有的对手。他利用自己能够掌握内阁机密和掌握党内人士隐秘的优势,操控了一个又一个官员,并利用《每日纪事报》里想成为一线政治记者的玛蒂·斯多林,令她在媒体上大做文章。
  初战告捷后,他旋即指派手下对内阁展开大规模围剿,紧紧咬住所有人的弱点,除掉了一个又一个对手,扫清了一个又一个障碍,然而他的阴谋也在慢慢地暴露。他最终能否登上首相宝座,而知道越来越多内幕的玛蒂又能否安然周旋于权力斗争中,并实现自己的理想呢?...

  We still hope and believe that after due deliberation he will wholeheartedly endorse the merger  plans, but our judgement of Urquhart is based on much more than commercial interest. He is the  only candidate who so far has demonstrated that he is also a man of principle.
  There was the sound around the corridors of Westminster of doors being slammed shut in frustration  as ambitious politicians realised that Urquhart had once again stolen a march on them.
  How the heck does that fart-artist do it?' barked Woolton, discarding any vestige of diplomatic  restraint.
  In a Mayfair penthouse overlooking Hyde Park, Landless and Urquhart smiled serenely and toasted  each other's health and good fortune as they reviewed the success of each other's campaign.
  To the next Prime Minister' saluted Landless.
  'And to his impartial endorsement of the merger' responded his companion.
  THURSDAY 18th NOVEMBER
  When nominations closed at noon on Thursday, the only surprise was the last minute withdrawal of  Peter Bearstead, who had been the first to announce his intention to stand.
  I've done what I set out to do, which was to get a proper election going,' he announced punchily.  I'm not going to win and I don't want a consolation prize of a Ministerial job, so now let the  others get on with it.'
  He immediately signed up with the Daily Express to write personal and indiscreet profiles of the  candidates for the duration of the campaign.
  That left nine declared candidates, an unprecedentedly large field. However, the general view was  that only five of them were in with a serious chance - Samuel, Woolton, Earle, McKenzie and  Urquhart. With a completed list of contestants, pollsters redoubled their efforts to contact  Government MPs and decipher which way the tide was running.
  The starter's flag had now officially fallen, and Peter McKenzie was determined to make an  immediate showing. The Secretary of State for Health was a frustrated man. Having been in charge  of the health service for more than five years, he had hoped as ardently as Urquhart for a new  challenge and new responsibility after the June general election. The long years in charge of an  unresponsive bureaucracy, watching almost helplessly as the remorselessly expensive progress of  medical science grew faster than the taxpayers' ability or willingness to keep pace, had left him  deeply scarred. A few years previously he had been regarded as the rising star of the Party, the  man who could combine a tough intellectual approach with an obvious deep sense of caring, and many  said he would go all the way. But the health service had been utterly unresponsive to his attempts  to reform and improve it, and his repeated encounters with picket lines of protesting nurses and  ambulance men had left his image as a man of conscience and humanity in tatters. The postponement  of his much touted hospital expansion plan had been the last straw. He had become deeply  dispirited, and had talked with his wife about quitting politics at the next election if his lot  did not improve.
  He greeted Collingridge's downfall like a drowning man discovers a life raft. It was the only  thing that mattered to him, and drew all his concentration and effort. Of course he had made  mistakes during the initial stages of the campaign, as had most of his rivals, but he entered the  final five days before the first ballot full of enthusiasm and energy. He had planned from the  start to make an impact on Nomination Day itself, determined to get his head above the crowd. So  he had asked his staff to find a suitable visit for him to make which would provide some powerful  photo-opportunities for the cameramen and a chance to revive his tarnished image as a humane and  caring politician.
  But no hospitals, he instructed He had spent the first three years in the Ministry visiting  hospitals and trying to learn about patient care, only to be met on bad days by massed picket  lines of boisterous nurses complaining about pay and on worse days by violent demonstrations from  ancillary staff protesting about 'savage cuts'. Even the doctors seemed to have embraced the  philosophy that health budgets were now set by the level of noise rather than the level of need.  He almost never got to see the patients, and even when he tried to sneak into a hospital by a side  or back entrance, the demonstrators always seemed to know beforehand precisely where he would be,  ready to throw their personal and deeply hurtful abuse at him just when the television camera  crews had arrived. No Minister had ever found an effective way of dealing with protesting nurses;  the public will always side with the angels of mercy, leaving the politician in the role of  perpetual villain. So McKenzie had simply stopped visiting hospitals. Rather than running an  inevitable and image-denting gauntlet of abuse, he opted out and stuck to safer venues.
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